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*** Quote ***
Less than three weeks after Hamilton pounded out the last number of the
Federalist, he attended the New York ratifying convention in
Poughkeepsie. The pro-constitution, or Federalist, attendees were outnumbered
two to one by Clinton's minions, indicating that Publius was largely
ineffective in turning the political tide in New York. In truth, the
Federalist essays were considered too high-brow for the common reader.
Considering their density and detail, it is hard to imagine that many people
rushed to the newsstand for the next Federalist installment. People
were less interested in reading scientific political analyses than measuring
the immediate impact of change on their lives, and the latter was emphasized
by the Antifederalist press. Hamilton noted this in a letter to Madison in
May of 1788: "As Clinton is truly the leader of his party, and
is
inflexibly obstinate I count little on overcoming opposition by reason."
Locking horns with the Clinton faction at the convention, Hamilton rehashed
those arguments he had just recently put forth in the Federalist: the
"evils" of state autonomy, the benefits of union, the importance of
national reputation, the basic principles and goals of the federal
constitution. John Lansing pulled out his notes on Hamilton's speeches
from the Philadelphia convention, and accused Hamilton of advocating the
destruction of the states by reducing them to "mere corporations."
Hamilton, after rebuking Lansing for the indiscretion of airing confidential
material, wielded a familiar argument. He pointed out that
"corporation" is an indefinite term not indicative of levels of
power. He then adopted his finest courtroom panache, and cleverly
cross-examined his opponent into refuting his own assertions.
A newspaper account of one of Hamilton's speeches in the ratifying
convention gives great insight into his style as an orator:
"He described in a delicate but most affecting manner the various
ungenerous attempts to prejudice the minds of the convention against him.
...He called on the world to point out an instance in which he had ever
deviated from the line of public or private duty. The pathetic appeal fixed
the silent sympathetic gaze of the spectators, and made them all his
own."
Keenly aware of his own personal appeal and having no compunction about using
it, Hamilton drew the audience into the man as well as the message. That is
what made Hamilton's power of persuasion so effectual, himself so
attractive, even in so thoroughly hostile an environment as the ratifying
convention.
Hamilton's political and courtroom oratory were nothing short of drama.
Acknowledged as a master of both elements of presentation, Hamilton perfectly
synthesized them; but he never substituted style for substance. James
Kent, a fellow New York lawyer, described Hamilton's superiority in the
courtroom: "the mighty mind of Hamilton would at times bear
down all
opposition by its comprehensive grasp and the strength of his reasoning
powers."
Regardless of Hamilton's Herculean efforts of oratory, New York held out
until the bitter end, stalling with proposals for amendments and conditional
acceptances. As Hamilton had predicted early on, it was only when Virginia
ratified that the New York resistance began to crack. On July 27, 1788, the
state of New York ratified the constitution and joined the United States.
Hamilton's contributions to the future of state and country did not go unacknowledged. On July 23 New York City held an Independence Day parade whose main attraction was a float in the shape of a ship. Named after the state's favorite son the "Good Ship Hamilton" was met with the proud cheers of onlookers. Hamilton had reached the zenith of his political celebrity. The public would not gather to honor him again until his funeral procession almost precisely sixteen years later.
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