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To Thomas Ritchie Monticello, December 25, 1820
DEAR SIR,-- On my return home after a long absence, I find
here your favor of November the 23d, with Colonel Taylor's
"Construction Construed," which you have been so kind as to send me,
in the name of the author as well as yourself. Permit me, if you
please, to use the same channel for conveying to him the thanks I
render you also for this mark of attention. I shall read it, I know,
with edification, as I did his Inquiry, to which I acknowledge myself
indebted for many valuable ideas, and for the correction of some
errors of early opinion, never seen in a correct light until
presented to me in that work. That the present volume is equally
orthodox, I know before reading it, because I know that Colonel
Taylor and myself have rarely, if ever, differed in any political
principle of importance. Every act of his life, and every word he
ever wrote, satisfies me of this. So, also, as to the two
Presidents, late and now in office, I know them both to be of
principles as truly republican as any men living. If there be
anything amiss, therefore, in the present state of our affairs, as
the formidable deficit lately unfolded to us indicates, I ascribe it
to the inattention of Congress to their duties, to their unwise
dissipation and waste of the public contributions. They seemed, some
little while ago, to be at a loss for objects whereon to throw away
the supposed fathomless funds of the treasury. I had feared the
result, because I saw among them some of my old fellow laborers, of
tried and known principles, yet often in their minorities. I am
aware that in one of their most ruinous vagaries, the people were
themselves betrayed into the same phrenzy with their Representatives.
The deficit produced, and a heavy tax to supply it, will, I trust,
bring both to their sober senses.
But it is not from this branch of government we have most to
fear. Taxes and short elections will keep them right. The judiciary
of the United States is the subtle corps of sappers and miners
constantly working under ground to undermine the foundations of our
confederated fabric. They are construing our constitution from a
co-ordination of a general and special government to a general and
supreme one alone. This will lay all things at their feet, and they
are too well versed in English law to forget the maxim, "boni
judicis est ampliare juris-dictionem." We shall see if they are bold
enough to take the daring stride their five lawyers have lately
taken. If they do, then, with the editor of our book, in his address
to the public, I will say, that "against this every man should raise
his voice," and more, should uplift his arm. Who wrote this
admirable address? Sound, luminous, strong, not a word too much, nor
one which can be changed but for the worse. That pen should go on,
lay bare these wounds of our constitution, expose the decisions
seriatim, and arouse, as it is able, the attention of the nation to
these bold speculators on its patience. Having found, from
experience, that impeachment is an impracticable thing, a mere
scare-crow, they consider themselves secure for life; they sculk from
responsibility to public opinion, the only remaining hold on them,
under a practice first introduced into England by Lord Mansfield. An
opinion is huddled up in conclave, perhaps by a majority of one,
delivered as if unanimous, and with the silent acquiescence of lazy
or timid associates, by a crafty chief judge, who sophisticates the
law to his mind, by the turn of his own reasoning. A judiciary law
was once reported by the Attorney General to Congress, requiring each
judge to deliver his opinion seriatim and openly, and then to give
it in writing to the clerk to be entered in the record. A judiciary
independent of a king or executive alone, is a good thing; but
independence of the will of the nation is a solecism, at least in a
republican government.
But to return to your letter; you ask for my opinion of the
work you send me, and to let it go out to the public. This I have
ever made a point of declining, (one or two instances only excepted.)
Complimentary thanks to writers who have sent me their works, have
betrayed me sometimes before the public, without my consent having
been asked. But I am far from presuming to direct the reading of my
fellow citizens, who are good enough judges themselves of what is
worthy their reading. I am, also, too desirous of quiet to place
myself in the way of contention. Against this I am admonished by
bodily decay, which cannot be unaccompanied by corresponding wane of
the mind. Of this I am as yet sensible, sufficiently to be unwilling
to trust myself before the public, and when I cease to be so, I hope
that my friends will be too careful of me to draw me forth and
present me, like a Priam in armor, as a spectacle for public
compassion. I hope our political bark will ride through all its
dangers; but I can in future be but an inert passenger.
I salute you with sentiments of great friendship and respect.
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