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To P.S. Dupont de Nemours Washington, Jan. 18, 1802
DEAR SIR, -- It is rare I can indulge myself in the luxury of
philosophy. Your letters give me a few of those delicious moments.
Placed as you are in a great commercial town, with little opportunity
of discovering the dispositions of the country portions of our
citizens, I do not wonder at your doubts whether they will generally
and sincerely concur in the sentiments and measures developed in my
message of the 7th Jany. But from 40. years of intimate conversation
with the agricultural inhabitants of my country, I can pronounce them
as different from those of the cities, as those of any two nations
known. The sentiments of the former can in no degree be inferred
from those of the latter. You have spoken a profound truth in these
words, "Il y a dans les etats unis un bon sens silencieux, un esprit
de justice froide, qui lorsqu'il est question d'emettre un vote
comme les bavardages de ceux qui font les habiles." A plain country
farmer has written lately a pamphlet on our public affairs. His
testimony of the sense of the country is the best which can be
produced of the justness of your observation. His words are "The
tongue of man is not his whole body. So, in this case, the noisy
part of the community was not all the body politic. During the
career of fury and contention (in 1800) the sedate, grave part of the
people were still; hearing all, and judging for themselves, what
method to take, when the constitutional time of action should come,
the exercise of the right of suffrage." The majority of the present
legislature are in unison with the agricultural part of our citizens,
and you will see that there is nothing in the message, to which they
do not accord. Some things may perhaps be left undone from motives
of compromise for a time, and not to alarm by too sudden a
reformation, but with a view to be resumed at another time. I am
perfectly satisfied the effect of the proceedings of this session of
congress will be to consolidate the great body of well meaning
citizens together, whether federal or republican, heretofore called.
I do not mean to include royalists or priests. Their opposition is
immovable. But they will be vox et preterea nihil, leaders without
followers. I am satisfied that within one year from this time were
an election to take place between two candidates merely republican
and federal, where no personal opposition existed against either, the
federal candidate would not get the vote of a single elector in the
U.S. I must here again appeal to the testimony of my farmer, who
says "The great body of the people are one in sentiment. If the
federal party and the republican party, should each of them choose a
convention to frame a constitution of government or a code of laws,
there would be no radical difference in the results of the two
conventions." This is most true. The body of our people, tho'
divided for a short time by an artificial panic, and called by
different names, have ever had the same object in view, to wit, the
maintenance of a federal, republican government, and have never
ceased to be all federalists, all republicans: still excepting the
noisy band of royalists inhabiting cities chiefly, and priests both
of city and country. When I say that in an election between a
republican and federal candidate, free from personal objection, the
former would probably get every vote, I must not be understood as
placing myself in that view. It was my destiny to come to the
government when it had for several years been committed to a
particular political sect, to the absolute and entire exclusion of
those who were in sentiment with the body of the nation. I found the
country entirely in the enemies hands. It was necessary to dislodge
some of them. Out of many thousands of officers in the U.S. 9. only
have been removed for political principle, and 12. for delinquincies
chiefly pecuniary. The whole herd have squealed out, as if all their
throats were cut. These acts of justice few as they have been, have
raised great personal objections to me, of which a new character
would be [faded]. When this government was first established, it
was possible to have kept it going on true principles, but the
contracted, English, half-lettered ideas of Hamilton, destroyed that
hope in the bud. We can pay off his debt in 15. years; but we can
never get rid of his financial system. It mortifies me to be
strengthening principles which I deem radically vicious, but this
vice is entailed on us by the first error. In other parts of our
government I hope we shall be able by degrees to introduce sound
principles and make them habitual. What is practicable must often
controul what is pure theory; and the habits of the governed
determine in a great degree what is practicable. Hence the same
original principles, modified in practice according to the different
habits of different nations, present governments of very different
aspects. The same principles reduced to forms of practice
accommodated to our habits, and put into forms accommodated to the
habits of the French nation would present governments very unlike
each other. I have no doubt but that a great man, thoroughly knowing
the habits of France, might so accommodate to them the principles of
free government as to enable them to live free. But in the hands of
those who have not this coup d'oeil, many unsuccessful experiments I
fear are yet to be tried before they will settle down in freedom and
tranquility. I applaud therefore your determination to remain here,
tho' for yourself and the adults of your family the dissimilitude of
our manners and the difference of tongue will be sources of real
unhappiness. Yet less so than the horrors and dangers which France
would present to you, and as to those of your family still in
infancy, they will be formed to the circumstances of the country, and
will, I doubt not, be happier here than they could have been in
Europe under any circumstances. Be so good as to make my respectful
salutations acceptable to Made. Dupont, and all of your family and to
be assured yourself of my constant and affectionate esteem.
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