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To John Adams Paris, Aug. 30, 1787
DEAR SIR, -- Since your favor of July 10. mine have been of July
17. 23 and 28. The last inclosed a bill of exchange from Mr. Grand
on Tessier for pound 46-17-10 sterl. to answer Genl. Sullivan's bill
for that sum. I hope it got safe to hand, tho' I have been anxious
about it as it went by post and my letters thro' that channel
sometimes miscarry.
From the separation of the Notables to the present moment has
been perhaps the most interesting interval ever known in this
country. The propositions of the Government, approved by the
Notables, were precious to the nation and have been in an honest
course of execution, some of them being carried into effect, and
others preparing. Above all the establishment of the Provincial
assemblies, some of which have begun their sessions, bid fair to be
the instrument for circumscribing the power of the crown and raising
the people into consideration. The election given to them is what
will do this. Tho' the minister who proposed these improvements
seems to have meant them as the price of the new supplies, the game
has been so played as to secure the improvements to the nation
without securing the price. The Notables spoke softly on the subject
of the additional supplies, but the parliament took them up roundly,
refused to register the edicts for the new taxes, till compelled in a
bed of justice and prefered themselves to be transferred to Troyes
rather than withdraw their opposition. It is urged principally
against the  king, that his revenue is 130. millions more than that of
his predecessor was, and yet he demands 120. millions further. You
will see this well explained in the `Conference entre un ministre
d'etat et un Conseiller au parlement' which I send you with some
other small pamphlets.
In the mean time all tongues in Paris (and in
France as it is said) have been let loose, and never was a license of
speaking against the government exercised in London more freely or
more universally. Caracatures, placards, bon mots, have been
indulged in by all ranks of people, and I know of no well attested
instance of a single punishment. For some time mobs of 10; 20;
30,000 people collected daily, surrounded the parliament house,
huzzaed the members, even entered the doors and examined into their
conduct, took the horses out of the carriages of those who did well,
and drew them home. The government thought it prudent to prevent
these, drew some regiments into the neighborhood, multiplied the
guards, had the streets constantly patrolled by strong parties,
suspended privileged places, forbad all clubs, etc. The mobs have
ceased: perhaps this may be partly owing to the absence of
parliament.
The Count d'Artois, sent to hold a bed of justice in the
Cour des Aides, was hissed and hooted without reserve by the
populace; the carriage of Madame de (I forget the name) in the
queen's livery was stopped by the populace under a belief that it was
Madame de Polignac's whom they would have insulted, the queen going
to the theater at Versailles with Madame de Polignac was received
with a general hiss. The king, long in the habit of drowning his
cares in wine, plunges deeper and deeper; the queen cries but sins
on. The Count d'Artois is detested, and Monsieur [Louis, Comte de
Provence] the general favorite. The Archbishop of Thoulouse is made
Ministre principale, a virtuous, patriotic and able character. The
Marechal de Castries retired yesterday notwithstanding strong
sollicitations to remain in office. The Marechal de Segur retired at
the same time, prompted to it by the court. Their successors are not
yet known. M. de St. Prist goes Ambassador to Holland in the room of
Verac transferred to Switzerland, and the Count de Moustier goes to
America in the room of the Chevalier de la Luzerne who has a promise
of the first vacancy. These nominations are not yet made formally,
but they are decided on and the parties are ordered to prepare for
their destination.
As it has been long since I have had a
confidential conveiance to you, I have brought together the principal
facts from the adjournment of the Notables to the present moment
which, as you will perceive from their nature, required a
confidential conveyance. I have done it the rather because, tho' you
will have heard many of them and seen them in the public papers, yet
floating in the mass of lies which constitute the atmospheres of
London and Paris, you may not have been sure of their truth: and I
have mentioned every truth of any consequence to enable you to stamp
as false the facts pretermitted. I think that in the course of three
months the royal authority has lost, and the rights of the nation
gained, as much ground, by a revolution of public opinion only, as
England gained in all her civil wars under the Stuarts. I rather
believe too they will retain the ground gained, because it is
defended by the young and the middle aged, in opposition to the old
only. The first party increases, and the latter diminishes daily
from the course of nature. You may suppose that under this
situation, war would be unwelcome to France. She will surely avoid
it if not forced by the courts of London and Berlin. If forced, it
is probable she will change the system of Europe totally by an
alliance with the two empires, to whom nothing would be more
desireable. In the event of such a coalition, not only Prussia but
the whole European world must receive from them their laws. But
France will probably endeavor to preserve the present system if it
can be done by sacrifising to a certain degree the pretensions of the
patriotic party in Holland. But of all these matters you can judge,
in your position, where less secrecy is observed, better than I can.
I have news from America as late as July 19. Nothing had then
transpired from the Federal convention. I am sorry they began their
deliberations by so abominable a precedent as that of tying up the
tongues of their members. Nothing can justify this example but the
innocence of their intentions, and ignorance of the value of public
discussions. I have no doubt that all their other measures will be
good and wise. It is really an assembly of demigods. Genl.
Washington was of opinion they should not separate till October. I
have the honour to be with every sentiment of friendship and respect
Dear Sir Your most obedient and most humble servant,
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