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To George Washington Annapolis, Apr. 16, 1784
DEAR SIR -- I received your favor of Apr. 8. by Colo. Harrison.
The subject of it is interesting, and, so far as you have stood
connected with it, has been matter of anxiety to me; because whatever
may be the ultimate fate of the institution of the Cincinnati, as in
it's course it draws to it some degree of disapprobation, I have
wished to see you standing on ground separated from it, and that the
character which will be handed to future ages at the head of our
revolution may in no instance be compromitted in subordinate
altercations. The subject has been at the point of my pen in every
letter I have written to you, but has been still restrained by the
reflection that you had among your friends more able counsellors,
and, in yourself, one abler than them all. Your letter has now
rendered a duty what was before a desire, and I cannot better merit
your confidence than by a full and free communication of facts &
sentiments, as far as they have come within my observation. When the
army was about to be disbanded, & the officers to take final leave,
perhaps never again to meet, it was natural for men who had
accompanied each other thro' so many scenes of hardship, of
difficulty and danger, who in a variety of instances must have been
rendered mutually dear by those aids & good offices to which their
situations had given occasion; it was natural I say for these to
seize with fondness any proposition which promised to bring them
together again at certain & regular periods. And this I take for
granted was the origin & object of this institution; & I have no
suspicion that they foresaw, much less intended, those mischiefs,
which exist perhaps in the forebodings of politicians only. I doubt
however whether, in it's execution, it would be found to answer the
wishes of those who framed it, and to foster those friendships it was
intended to preserve. The members would be brought together at their
annual assemblies no longer to encounter a common enemy, but to
encounter one another in debate & sentiment. For something I suppose
is to be done at these meetings, & however unimportant, it will
suffice to produce difference of opinion, contradiction & irritation.
The way to make friends quarrel is to put them in disputation under
the public eye. An experience of near twenty years has taught me
that few friendships stand this test, & that public assemblies, where
every one is free to act & speak, are the most powerful looseners of
the bands of private friendship. I think therefore that this
institution would fail in it's principal object, the perpetuation of
the personal friendships contracted thro' the war.
The objections of those who are opposed to the institution
shall be briefly sketched. You will readily fill them up. They urge
that it is against the confederation -- against the letter of some of
our constitutions; -- against the spirit of all of them -- that the
foundation on which all these are built is the natural equality of
man, the denial of every preeminence but that annexed to legal
office, & particularly the denial of a preeminence by birth; that
however, in their present dispositions, citizens might decline
accepting honorary instalments into the order, a time may come when a
change of dispositions would render these flattering, when a well
directed distribution of them might draw into the order all the men
of talents, of office & wealth, and in this case would probably
procure an ingraftment into the government; that in this they will be
supported by their foreign members, & the wishes & influence of
foreign courts; that experience has shewn that the hereditary
branches of modern governments are the patrons of privilege &
prerogative, & not of the natural rights of the people whose
oppressors they generally are: that besides these evils, which are
remote, others may take place more immediately; that a distinction is
kept up between the civil & military, which it is for the happiness
of both to obliterate; that when the members assemble they will be
proposing to do something, & what that something may be will depend
on actual circumstances; that being an organized body under habits of
subordination, the first obstructions to enterprize will be already
surmounted; that the moderation & virtue of a single character has
probably prevented this revolution from being closed as most others
have been, by a subversion of that liberty it was intended to
establish; that he is not immortal, & his successor, or some of his
successors, may be led by false calculation into a less certain road
to glory:
What are the sentiments of Congress on this subject, & what
line they will pursue, can only be stated conjecturally. Congress,
as a body, if left to themselves, will in my opinion say nothing on
the subject. They may however be forced into a declaration by
instructions from some of the states, or by other incidents. Their
sentiments, if forced from them, will be unfriendly to the
institution. If permitted to pursue their own path, they will check
it by side blows whenever it comes in their way, & ---, in
competitions for office, on equal or nearly equal ground, will give
silent preferences to those who are not of the fraternity. My
reasons for thinking this are
- The grounds on which they lately
declined the foreign order proposed to be conferred on some of our
citizens.
- The fourth of the fundamental articles of constitution
for the new states. I inclose you the report. It has been
considered by Congress, recommitted & reformed by a committee
according to sentiments expressed on other parts of it, but the
principle referred to, having not been controverted at all, stands in
this as in the original report. It is not yet confirmed by Congress.
- Private conversations on this subject with the members. Since the
receipt of your letter I have taken occasion to extend these; not
indeed to the military members, because, being of the order, delicacy
forbade it; but to the others pretty generally; and among these I
have as yet found but one who is not opposed to the institution, &
that with an anguish of mind, tho' covered under a guarded silence,
which I have not seen produced by any circumstance before. I arrived
at Philadelphia before the separation of the last Congress, & saw
there & at Princetown some of its members not now in delegation.
Burke's piece happened to come out at that time, which occasioned
this institution to be the subject of conversation. I found the same
impressions made on them which their successors have received. I
hear from other quarters that it is disagreeable generally to such
citizens as have attended to it, & therefore will probably be so to
all when any circumstance shall present it to the notice of all.
This, Sir, is as faithful an account of sentiments & facts as I
am able to give you. You know the extent of the circle within which
my observations are at present circumscribed, & can estimate how far,
as forming a part of the general opinion, it may merit notice, or
ought to influence your particular conduct.
It remains now to pay obedience to that part of your letter
which requests sentiments on the most eligible measures to be pursued
by the society at their next meeting. I must be far from pretending
to be a judge of what would in fact be the most eligible measures for
the society. I can only give you the opinions of those with whom I
have conversed, & who, as I have before observed, are unfriendly to
it. They lead to these conclusions.
- If the society proceeds
according to it's institution, it will be better to make no
applications to Congress on that subject or any other in their
associated character.
- If they should propose to modify it, so as
to render it unobjectionable, I think this would not be effected
without such a modification as would amount almost to annihilation;
for such would it be to part with it's inheritability, it's
organization, & it's assemblies.
- If they shall be disposed to
discontinue the whole, it would remain with them to determine whether
they would chuse it to be done by their own act only, or by a
reference of the matter to Congress which would infallibly produce a
recommendation of total discontinuance.
You will be sensible, Sir, that these communications are
without all reserve. I supposed such to be your wish, & mean them
but as materials with such others as you may collect, for your better
judgment to work on. I consider the whole matter as between
ourselves alone, having determined to take no active part in this or
anything else, which may lead to altercation, or disturb that quiet &
tranquillity of mind to which I consign the remaining portion of my
life. I have been thrown back by events on a stage where I had never
more thought to appear. It is but for a time however, & as a day
labourer, free to withdraw, or be withdrawn at will. While I remain
I shall pursue in silence the path of right, but in every situation,
public or private, I shall be gratified by all occasions of rendering
you service, & of convincing you there is no one to whom your
reputation & happiness are dearer.
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