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To John Lynch Monticello, January 21, 1811
SIR, -- You have asked my opinion on the proposition of Mrs.
Mifflin, to take measures for procuring, on the coast of Africa, an
establishment to which the people of color of these States might,
from time to time, be colonized, under the auspices of different
governments. Having long ago made up my mind on this subject, I have
no hesitation in saying that I have ever thought it the most
desirable measure which could be adopted, for gradually drawing off
this part of our population, most advantageously for themselves as
well as for us. Going from a country possessing all the useful arts,
they might be the means of transplanting them among the inhabitants
of Africa, and would thus carry back to the country of their origin,
the seeds of civilization which might render their sojournment and
sufferings here a blessing in the end to that country.
I received, in the first year of my coming into the
administration of the General Government, a letter from the Governor
of Virginia, (Colonel Monroe,) consulting me, at the request of the
Legislature of the State, on the means of procuring some such asylum,
to which these people might be occasionally sent. I proposed to him
the establishment of Sierra Leone, to which a private company in
England had already colonized a number of negroes, and particularly
the fugitives from these States during the Revolutionary War; and at
the same time suggested, if this could not be obtained, some of the
Portuguese possessions in South America, as next most desirable. The
subsequent Legislature approving these ideas, I wrote, the ensuing
year, 1802, to Mr. King, our Minister in London, to endeavor to
negotiate with the Sierra Leone company a reception of such of these
people as might be colonized thither. He opened a correspondence
with Mr. Wedderburne and Mr. Thornton, secretaries of the company, on
the subject, and in 1803 I received through Mr. King the result,
which was that the colony was going on, but in a languishing
condition; that the funds of the company were likely to fail, as they
received no returns of profit to keep them up; that they were
therefore in treaty with their government to take the establishment
off their hands; but that in no event should they be willing to
receive more of these people from the United States, as it was
exactly that portion of their settlers which had gone from hence,
which, by their idleness and turbulence, had kept the settlement in
constant danger of dissolution, which could not have been prevented
but for the aid of the Maroon negroes from the West Indies, who were
more industrious and orderly than the others, and supported the
authority of the government and its laws. I think I learned
afterwards that the British Government had taken the colony into its
own hands, and I believe it still exists. The effort which I made
with Portugal, to obtain an establishment for them within their
claims in South America, proved also abortive.
You inquire further, whether I would use my endeavors to
procure for such an establishment security against violence from
other powers, and particularly from France? Certainly, I shall be
willing to do anything I can to give it effect and safety. But I am
but a private individual, and could only use endeavors with private
individuals; whereas, the National Government can address themselves
at once to those of Europe to obtain the desired security, and will
unquestionably be ready to exert its influence with those nations for
an object so benevolent in itself, and so important to a great
portion of its constituents. Indeed, nothing is more to be wished
than that the United States would themselves undertake to make such
an establishment on the coast of Africa. Exclusive of motives of
humanity, the commercial advantages to be derived from it might repay
all its expenses. But for this, the national mind is not yet
prepared. It may perhaps be doubted whether many of these people
would voluntarily consent to such an exchange of situation, and very
certain that few of those advanced to a certain age in habits of
slavery, would be capable of self-government. This should not,
however, discourage the experiment, nor the early trial of it; and
the proposition should be made with all the prudent cautions and
attentions requisite to reconcile it to the interests, the safety and
the prejudices of all parties.
Accept the assurances of my respect and esteem.
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