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To the Special Envoy to France (JAMES MONROE) Washington, Jan. 13, 1803
DEAR SIR, -- I dropped you a line on the 10th informing you of
a nomination I had made of you to the Senate, and yesterday I
enclosed you their approbation not then having time to write. The
agitation of the public mind on occasion of the late suspension of
our right of deposit at N. Orleans is extreme. In the western
country it is natural and grounded on honest motives. In the
seaports it proceeds from a desire for war which increases the
mercantile lottery; in the federalists generally and especially those
of Congress the object is to force us into war if possible, in order
to derange our finances, or if this cannot be done, to attach the
western country to them, as their best friends, and thus get again
into power. Remonstrances memorials &c. are now circulating through
the whole of the western country and signing by the body of the
people. The measures we have been pursuing being invisible, do not
satisfy their minds. Something sensible therefore was become
necessary; and indeed our object of purchasing N. Orleans and the
Floridas is a measure liable to assume so many shapes, that no
instructions could be squared to fit them, it was essential then to
send a minister extraordinary to be joined with the ordinary one,
with discretionary powers, first however well impressed with all our
views and therefore qualified to meet and modify to these every form
of proposition which could come from the other party. This could be
done only in full and frequent oral communications. Having
determined on this, there could not be two opinions among the
republicans as to the person. You possess the unlimited confidence
of the administration and of the western people; and generally of the
republicans everywhere; and were you to refuse to go, no other man
can be found who does this. The measure has already silenced the
Feds. here. Congress will no longer be agitated by them: and the
country will become calm as fast as the information extends over it.
All eyes, all hopes, are now fixed on you; and were you to decline,
the chagrin would be universal, and would shake under your feet the
high ground on which you stand with the public. Indeed I know
nothing which would produce such a shock, for on the event of this
mission depends the future destinies of this republic. If we cannot
by a purchase of the country insure to ourselves a course of
perpetual peace and friendship with all nations, then as war cannot
be distant, it behooves us immediately to be preparing for that
course, without, however, hastening it, and it may be necessary (on
your failure on the continent) to cross the channel.
We shall get entangled in European politics, and figuring more,
be much less happy and prosperous. This can only be prevented by a
successful issue to your present mission. I am sensible after the
measures you have taken for getting into a different line of
business, that it will be a great sacrifice on your part, and
presents from the season and other circumstances serious
difficulties. But some men are born for the public. Nature by
fitting them for the service of the human race on a broad scale, has
stamped with the evidences of her destination and their duty.
But I am particularly concerned that in the present case you
have more than one sacrifice to make. To reform the prodigalities of
our predecessors is understood to be peculiarly our duty, and to
bring the government to a simple and economical course. They, in
order to increase expense, debt, taxation, and patronage tried always
how much they could give. The outfit given to ministers resident to
enable them to furnish their house, but given by no nation to a
temporary minister, who is never expected to take a house or to
entertain, but considered on a footing of a voyageur, they gave to
their extraordinary missionaries by wholesale. In the beginning of
our administration, among other articles of reformation in expense,
it was determined not to give an outfit to missionaries
extraordinary, and not to incur the expense with any minister of
sending a frigate to carry him or bring him. The Boston happened to
be going to the Mediterranean, and was permitted therefore to take up
Mr. Livingstone and touch in a port of France. A frigate was denied
to Charles Pinckney and has been refused to Mr. King for his return.
Mr. Madison's friendship and mine to you being so well known, the
public will have eagle eyes to watch if we grant you any indulgencies
of the general rule; and on the other hand, the example set in your
case will be more cogent on future ones, and produce greater
approbation to our conduct. The allowance therefore will be in this
and all similar cases, all the expenses of your journey and voiage,
taking a ship's cabin to yourself, 9,000 D. a year from your leaving
home till the proceedings of your mission are terminated, and then
the quarter's salary for the expenses of the return as prescribed by
law. As to the time of your going you cannot too much hasten it, as
the moment in France is critical. St. Domingo delays their taking
possession of Louisiana, and they are in the last distress for money
for current purposes. You should arrange your affairs for an absence
of a year at least, perhaps for a long one. It will be necessary for
you to stay here some days on your way to New York. You will receive
here what advance you chuse.
Accept assurances of my constant and affectionate attachment.
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