The Red Book of the War 5
The Red Book of the War
The Origins of the War
FOR sixty years Great Britain had been at peace in Europe. Only very old folk could remember the dark days of 1854, when our soldiers starved and shivered in the trenches before Sebastopol, contending with disease and famine, more terrible enemies even than the tenacious foe. During those sixty years we had fought many wars on the far distant frontiers of our Empire, and had read many a tale of heroism on the battle-field; but the scenes of these conflicts were remote from us, and our armies were comparatively small. As a nation, war had touched us hardly at all. During those sixty years, moreover, a feeling against war had been steadily growing stronger among us. It seemed horrible and absurd that men should slay one another when their differences might be settled by peaceful means. Many times, when war threatened, it had been prevented by the wisdom and self-control of our statesmen, by their willingness to hear the other side and their readiness to practise the method of give-and-take. Some of our people, indeed, had persuaded themselves that war between the great civilised nations of Europe was no longer likely, or even possible; that the common sense of men would cause them to avoid the enormous wastage and loss that war entails, and that humane feelings would prevail over what we had come to regard as the baser sentiments. We had had warnings, it is true, that we were deluding ourselves with dreams; but these warnings were neglected, and we went on buying and selling, becoming more and more luxurious and self-indulgent, as though the sky would always be clear, and no thunder-clouds would swell up from the horizon and burst with ruin above our heads. The blow which shattered these pleasant dreams in the summer of 1914 fell unexpectedly, and woke us to the realities of "a world of duty and of pain.
This is Germany's war.
The Germans, from the Emperor downwards, protest that the war has been forced upon them, that they are defending themselves against a base conspiracy of envious rivals, each of whom they single out in turn as the foe deserving of their special hate. The evidence is against them. It has been examined, for instance, with minute care by an American jurist of high repute, who delivers judgment in judicial form and lays the responsibility for the war upon Germany. Let us see what that evidence is; we shall then be able to understand the meaning of German hate, and to appreciate how aptly Dryden's line applies to the Germans :-"They ne'er pardon who have done the wrong."
On June 28 the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, was murdered with his wife in the streets of Serajevo, the capital of Bosnia. Austria clamoured for revenge. Her Government, after a brief inquiry, declared that the crime had been planned in Serbia and carried out with the aid of Serbian officials. On July 23 it sent a note to the Serbian Government demanding the arrest of two Serbian officers who, it said, were implicated in the crime, and making certain other claims which threatened Serbian independence. An answer was required within forty-eight hours.
These demands struck Europe with amazement. They were insulting to an independent state; the rigour of the time-limit was unheard of; and they must have been made in the full knowledge that a general European War was involved. For Serbia is a Slav nation, and Russia has always been regarded as the protector of the Slavs: she was not likely to look on and see Serbia lose her independence. If Russia took up arms in her defence, Germany was bound to support her ally Austria, and then France, by the terms of her alliance with Russia, would also have to fight.
The statesmen of Europe saw what tremendous consequences might spring from the quarrel between Austria and Serbia, and the friends of peace among them worked hard to avert the danger. Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Minister, in the short time at his disposal, used every effort to preserve peace. He begged Austria to extend the time-limit; he asked that the matters in dispute should be placed before a European conference; he tried to induce Germany to use her influence with Austria; but to all his proposals Germany turned a deaf ear. At the last moment, when Austria, apparently alarmed at the serious outlook, expressed her readiness to talk things over with Russia, Germany suddenly declared war. The greatest struggle in the history of the world had opened.
What was the position of this country? We had no alliances except with Japan; but we had a general understanding with Russia and France that in certain circumstances we would give those countries at least our moral support. We had made no promise to go to war on their behalf: our hands were free. The quarrel between Austria and Serbia was no concern of ours, and the country would never have consented to our armed intervention on that ground alone. It was the foul unscrupulousness of Germany that forced us into the conflict.
In 1889, by the treaty of London, the independence and neutrality of Belgium were guaranteed by Great Britain, France, Austria, Prussia and Russia. It is the duty of a neutral country to give no aid to any of her neighbours that may be at war. Belgium was bound to resist an invasion of Germany by France or of France by Germany through Belgian territory; the powers that signed the treaty were bound to respect her neutrality. When war broke out, Belgium declared that she would carry out her obligations; France made the same declaration Germany refused to do so. She had in fact resolved to attack France through Belgium, the easiest way. Belgium claimed our aid, and we were bound to give it.
Apart from that, it was known that Germany was determined to crush France. With the aid of her powerful navy she could have captured the coastline of France, and seized her colonies in all parts of the world. It was manifestly unfair that France should suffer such immense losses in a quarrel that was not of her seeking. It was equally perilous to our own national existence that France should be conquered. Thus both our duty and our interest demanded that we should take our part in the struggle, and on August 4, after efforts to preserve peace pursued up to the last moment, we declared war on Germany.
What is the meaning of it all? There is no need to discuss the parts of Austria and Russia, or the complicated political relations of the Balkan States. It is clear that Austria would not have acted as she has done but for the backing and the instigation of Germany. All the world knows that but for Germany there would have been no war. Why then has Germany brought about a war that involves half mankind? Let us first try to see Germany's point of view.
She occupies the centre of Europe, with a vast and quickly growing population, a poor coastline, and few colonies. She declares that she must have room for expansion, that she must have territories oversea on which her surplus population may settle and retain their German nationality instead of being absorbed into other peoples', that more ports are necessary to the development of her commerce. She declares that she fears the aggression of Russia on her eastern borders, and that the supremacy of the British navy is a constant menace to her. She declares that the Germans are superior to all other races of the world, and that it is her right to impose her will on the races she regards as inferior. She declares that the other nations of Europe, and Britain in particular, are jealous of her, and have combined to keep her under. She proclaims her right to rule the world.
It would be absurd to deny that she suffers some disadvantages from her geographical position. It would be equally absurd to deny that the Germans have many admirable qualities, and have shown an industry and a patience which other peoples might well copy. But the fact remains that she cannot realise her aims except at the expense of other nations, and other nations are not prepared to admit that German "culture " is so superior as to justify their annihilation. Germany is a young empire; by the time she had achieved her unity the world was parcelled out among other nations of Europe; it is unfortunate for her, but the other nations cannot be expected to give up their possessions simply because Germany covets them.
Further, Russia has given no signs of taking any aggressive measures against Germany. She is essentially a peaceable nation, and for a century past her best efforts have been devoted to her own internal progress. Nor has Germany suffered anything from the British navy, except in so far as it has always stood in the way of her own aggressive policy. Germany has built up a world-wide commerce without any cheek or hindrance from Britain. She has become rich, partly at our expense, and we have never thrown any obstacles in her way. We have given up to her, and persuaded France to give up to her, territories in Africa and the Pacific. So far from entering into a conspiracy to repress her, we have plainly declared that we would not attack her ourselves, nor countenance any unprovoked attack upon her by others. The envy and jealousy has been on her side, not on ours.
Above all the causes of the Great War, perhaps, must be placed the German attitude to war itself. The world at large has come to hate war more and more. Its evil is recognised, its good is doubted, and time after time difficulties between different countries have been settled by arbitration. Germany alone has cherished opposite views. Her historians and philosophers have taught for generations that war is a necessity, and military service the noblest occupation. All her organising powers have been devoted to the perfection of war as a science. The result is lamentable. Conscious of her strength, she has become the bully of the world. Her emperor styles himself the War Lord, talks of his "shining armour" and of "rattling his sword," holds up the menace of force before any country that dares to oppose his will. Such a spirit is bound to end in general debasement and degradation, as the events of this war have too clearly shown. A treaty is "a scrap of paper "; conventions agreed upon by the nations for lessening the horrors of war, conventions to which Germany has solemnly pledged her word, have been broken with the most callous brutality. It was agreed that fines should not be levied on civil populations: the Germans have exacted millions from the starving Belgians. It was agreed that communities should not suffer for the mistakes or crimes of individuals: whole villages have been destroyed, and the people massacred. It was agreed that undefended places should not be attacked: the Germans have bombarded and dropped their shells on holiday resorts and slain women and children. It was agreed that merchant vessels were not to be sunk without warning, and only after the safety of crews and passengers had been assured: the German submarines have resorted to sheer murder. It was agreed that poisonous gases should not be employed: the Germans have choked the life out of their foes, and doomed the unhappy survivors to lifelong misery. To such vile extremities does the worship of force lead. Henceforth the name of Germany will stand for brutality, meanness, falsehood and faithlessness.
This war is a conflict of ideals. On the one side there is the determination to achieve power at whatever cost, and to impose upon reluctant peoples ways of life and methods of government which are alien to them and can only be maintained by force. On the other side there is the demand for liberty - liberty of the individual, liberty of nations, small and large, to live their own lives, think their own thoughts, seek their happiness and welfare in their own way. It is a contest between Force and Freedom; and Freedom shall win the day.
